A responsible business takes into  account all the economical, social and environmental consequences that its  activities may have on all stakeholders beyond its owners and shareholders: the  list includes employees, territorial communities, investors, suppliers and  small local businesses. The irresponsible business is the exact opposite: it  considers the shareholders’ interests, in particular those who own the major  portion, as extremely important, while practically ignoring the interests of  all others who are affected by the company’s endeavors.. This latter behavior  is not the result of the personal decisions of individual managers; rather it  is imposed by a new business model, which has gained increasing acceptance  since the early 1990s, and by major shareholders who now predominate among  institutional investors.
                            Over the last five years, notorious cases of  irresponsible behavior of several managers in large financial companies have  created a stir in Italy  and worldwide. The banking scandals of the autumn-winter 2005 were widely publicized. At the  end of 2005, several managers and major shareholders of Cirio, whose collapse began in early  2003, were charged with fraud.  An even more serious instance is that of Parmalat, whose principal managers are currently on trial as a result of the  class action suit that erupted at the end of the same year. In the United States,  the trial and conviction of the top managers of Enron (declared  bankrupt in 2001), WorldCom (declared bankrupt in 2002) and Adelphia  Communications  were particularly glaring examples.
                            All these top managers were accused of having  deliberately falsified the companies’ accounts, declaring inexistent profits  and concealing losses for billions of euros or dollars. Their actions caused many  institutional and individual investors to lose hundreds of billions in savings  due to the resulting collapse in share value of these companies. Trust in the  stock exchange and in proper corporate management suffered a dramatic blow.  Consequently, it was deemed necessary, both in Italy  and in the United States,  to reinforce federal securities law and internal auditing controls. In the United States,  this was accomplished with the law Sarbanes-Oxley, rapidly written and approved  by the Congress in 2002, a few months after Enron’s collapse. following these  episodes, it is possible to conclude that the system of big companies is  healthy and now contains the “antibodies” to fight rapidly and effectively  against the eventual deviance of some of its parts. It is sufficient for the  law to stimulate the activity of these antibodies.
                            However, some objections may be posed to such neat conclusions.
                            
The main one lies in focusing the attention on the behavior  of individual managers.  This attention  seems appropriate at first sight but is actually very misleading. Too much  attention from the media, as well as from political and judicial authorities on  the financial aspect and on the irresponsible behavior of the single managers,  will only detract from a necessary analysis of the structural causes that  support this behavior in the first place. The critical point is not the episode  of abnormal behavior of individuals; it is the aberrant definition of  industrial strategies that, in the last fifteen years, have become accepted  practice in company management .Thus managers are stimulated and even forced to  implement them. I have discussed this theme extensively in my book 
L’impresa 
irresponsabile (The  Irresponsible Business) (Einaudi 2005).
In order to explain the current  behavior of the majority of managers, it is necessary to refer to the “new  business model” that forms the basis of their training and that they are  obliged to put into practice. According to this model, the primary mission of a  company’s management is value maximization for the shareholders. The  application of this model has meant that all other stakeholders have far less  importance in the decisional horizon of corporations. This shift in the  conception of the company was theorized by many economists in the 1980s.  Moreover, this change was facilitated by the arrival on the power scene of the  institutional investors: pension funds (especially the British ), investment  funds and insurance companies.
In just ten years, the total of the financial  instruments - stocks, obligations, derivatives, etc – managed by these  institutions increased threefold in France,  Germany, United Kingdom and United   States, and by six in Italy, which had initially lower  values. If we add to these the capital of similar investors in Canada, Japan,  Holland and  Swiss, the amount of the capital controlled and managed by institutional  investors in 2000 topped 30 billion dollars, which, in that year, corresponded  to the annual GDP of the entire world. In 2004, this sum was largely exceeded:  the world’s GDP was 41 billion dollars while the investors’ titles (only in the  OECD  countries) were worth 45 billion  dollars. It is important to notice that, in total, the institutional investors  in the world are tens of thousands, but the amount of their capital seems to be  in the hands of a few hundred of them. 
                            It is these financial entities who create the  “opinion” or “judgment” of the markets which are then reported in respected  news sources. . Never before has such economical and financial power been  concentrated among so few people.
                            Even though this is a form of vicarious  property, or “property-by-proxy” (since managers administrate capital that  doesn’t actually belong to them), the institutional investors became the major  owners of the big companies. Even if everyone of them doesn’t own more than 2%  of the capital of a single company, in many countries the institutional  investors own altogether a part of the total share capital that varies from 40%  in France to 75% in the UK. In Italy, this sum  was estimated, for 2006, to be around 350-400 billion, which corresponds to  about the half of the capitalization of the Italian stock market. This amount  of stock capital is all centered in a small number of companies, generally the  first 50 or 100 of every country according to their market value.
                            Institutional investors expect one result , and  one only, from the companies in which they (that is, their managers) have invested:  the maximization, in a short time, of the value of the stocks they own.  Investments should generate a minimum yield of 15% of the capital invested,  which rises to 20% in the case of private investment funds, the private equity funds. Managerial behavior  has been deeply affected by such expectations: instead of the creation of a  high added value, obtained through the production of goods and services, they  are pushed to lift the short-term market value of the companies they manage.  They are also encouraged to do this by their astronomical wages—400 to 500  times greater than a medium salary, which they manage to get from the company,  disguised as salaries, stock options, “golden parachutes” and other benefits. 
                            In order to meet similar requests, managers  have globally reorganized the productive process  controlled by their companies.
                            First of all, they have unbundled the chain of creation of value  through the mechanism of supply contracts and subcontracts all over the world.  Most of the delocalization observed in the USA and in the EU was generated by  the use of this networking mechanism. In this way, managers can quickly  pinpoint any component in the production of value chain which appears to be  under-performing , not in general but in comparison to the production of the  competing companies. In this way, any “weak links” can then be replaced by  other more efficient ones. Secondly, they have tried to approximate the organization  of the ideal 
virtual company. This is  a company in which the center for planning and control of its activities  operates with a very limited number of employees—sometimes only a few hundred;  on the other hand, these activities are managed by thousands of companies with  tens, or even hundreds of thousands of employees. According to the model, these  companies should be linked exclusively through a virtual network of commercial  contracts that can be drawn up or revoked at any time , rather than through a  physical net sustained by communication technologies. Actually, the new business  model sees a company just as a contact net. The institutional or communitarian  conception of business has 

been categorically put aside.
                            
                            Enron, distributor of energy-related services,  owed its success to its organization in the 1990s, when it became one of the  first seven companies in the world in terms of its market value. The same organization,  founded in order to create a stock value in the shortest time possible, was  also the cause of its collapse at the beginning of the 21st century.  Surely, this collapse was in part due to the irresponsible dishonesty of top  managers, together with the factual contribution of the accountants, the  financial analysts and the lawyers of the involved companies. However, our  analysis hastens to underline the role of a fundamentally unhealthy organization,  whose very model had been largely glorified by both media and many academics,  that forced the managers in question to become irresponsible and dishonest. 
                            
There have been dozens of disasters similar to  Enron’s in the United States.  In Europe, we are reminded of Vivendi in 2002  (debts for a total amount of 12 billion euros which came to light overnight)  and Parmalat in 2003 (debenture debts not repayable for a total amount of 20  billion euros). Although every company has its own history, each of these  financial collapses have similar causes. Lawrence E. Mitchell, an American  jurist, summarizes them as follows: “The root of the problem is the structure  of the joint-stock company itself. [This structure] encourages the managers to  maximize stock prices, limiting their freedom of acting responsibly and  morally. The result is an immoral behavior. [This behavior] has destructive  effects especially on those groups that are external to the traditional company  structure, all the people that don’t belong to the group of shareholders and  managers.” (from Corporate  irresponsibility. America’s newest export, Yale 2001, p. 3).
                            In recent years, many international  organizations such as the UN, the  OECD, and the EU (ec.europa.eu/index_en.htm) have taken several initiatives in order to  increase “corporate social responsibility”, referring implicitly or explicitly  to the scandals of the 1990s and of the beginning of the 21st  century. Nevertheless, these initiatives almost completely neglect the  structural causes of the big companies’ restriction of the decisional horizon  and of their single-minded concentration on shareholders’ interests. What is  more, these basic structural defects were not considered in the wording of the  legislative bill for the safeguarding of investors passed in 2005 by the  Italian Parliament.
                            In fact, the topics summarized in this article  lead me to conclude that only an amendment of corporate management structures,  in terms of both the opportunity of enlarging the practices of economical and  social responsibility for the company, and the need to involve the  institutional investors could stimulate the adoption of business models  oriented once again towards the creation of a long-term added value and not to  the simple short-term stock value. On a final note, these models would extend  their interest to all stakeholders.